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The paper is devoted to the study of the role of context in the process of semantic derivation. The authors propose to distinguish between the term "semantic derivation" as a dynamic process of the appearance of a new word meaning and the term "polysemy" as the result of this process. Terminological distinction makes it possible to diversify research methods depending on the stage of semantic transformations. In the conditions of entirely completed polysemy, the speech context in which the polysemant is used serves as a means of identifying a specific lexico-semantic variant. At the current stage of semantic derivation, the context creates the necessary conditions for the emergence of a new meaning, and therefore the detection of innovative contexts in speech practice should be used for the purpose of linguistic monitoring of semantic transformations. The specific ways of changing the context in the process of neosemantization depend on the part of speech, which the word belongs to. Semantic derivation of adjective proceeds as a result of its attribution to the new object. The appearance of new meanings in the verbal units implies a change in the taxonomic class within the actant framework. In the case of a noun the context change is not of an obligatory nature and varies depending on the type of semantic transformations.

In recent decades, Perspectivism has developed into an epistemological research program claiming its independence. This autonomy stems from Perspectivism's potential ability to resolve the contradictions between realist and constructivist programs. Perspectivism is based on the idea that the object depends on perspective, which constitutes any subjective attempt to cognize it. Perspectivists reconstruct and explain the factors involved in the formation of perspective, identifying the conditionality of epistemic acts, using concepts such as "position", "point of view", "view", "angle", "horizon", "focus", "picture", "context", "aspect", etc. Although these concepts are part of the Perspectivist's toolkit, their meanings and interrelation have so far been taken for granted and have not yet been critically and comprehensively analyzed. The purpose of this article is to take steps toward clarifying the conceptual basis for defending Perspectivism as an epistemological program. Once consistently uncovered and correlated in a conceptual model, Perspectivist concepts can be used as a tool for a detailed analysis of theories, positions, and beliefs. The article begins with a preliminary description of the concept of Perspectivism and its brief history as an epistemological program. In particular, the first modern attempts to outline Perspectivist epistemology are described in the works of F.Kaulbach (1990), W. Stegmaier (2008), and M.Massimi (2017, 2020). The problem of identifying the special a priori status of Perspectivist notions as a strategy for justifying the autonomy of Perspectivism is then posed. A method for demonstrating such a status, based on Kant's transcendentalism and P. Strawson's descriptive metaphysics, is then suggested.

The approach to history in general and the history of Russia in particular, which points to the presence of the necessary historical stages, is primarily associated with various trends in Marxism. In the case of the last centuries of Russian history, the most important point is the question of the nature of the 1917 Revolution. More generally, it is a question of the extent to which Marxist theory is able to substantiate the possibility of a "jump" through historical steps. We have chosen two Marxists from different periods as an example the attitude to the topic. The first example is G.V.Plekhanov, an outstanding Russian theorist and polemist. His reaction to the revolutionary events was twofold. The February Revolution of 1917 fully met his aspirations both in the medium term (the overthrow of "tsarism" and the continuation of the struggle against Germany) and in the long term (creation in Russia of prerequisites for economic development, and, therefore, a socialist revolution). On the contrary, the October Revolution was regarded by him as a tragic mistake. Another position on the October Revolution was expressed by a modern proponent of the formational approach, the Japanese philosopher Kajio Karatani. He significantly changed the understanding of how the social development of mankind takes place. The most important reason for historical change is the relationship of the three modes of economic exchange, which dictate those types of state system that are relevant in different historical eras. Karatani believes that the Russian Revolution was the reaction of an imperial-type state to pressure from national states. The idea of class reorganization, on which the teachings of the Bolsheviks were based, allowed the imperial, supranational structure of Russia to survive. After the Civil War it received the supranational name of the Soviet Union.

Providing space for elucidating key translational issues is not a mundane practice but a privilege only hand-picked texts enjoy, philosophical writings among them. The challenge of translating philosophical discourse is widely recognized but scarcely explored. In this article, translation of philosophical texts is regarded as a procedure of knowledge transfer from one intellectual space into another and of knowledge-making through reconceptualization of key terms. This process is made partly observable in various types of notes — a special cluster of additional information known as translational peritext where translators are given an oppor­tunity to explicate their decisions made in the course of translation. Among translation hur­dles in philosophical discourse are technical terms which are often either in­vented or re-conceptualized by the scholar and then need to be re-contextualized by the trans­lator. Seeking to reflect on translation as a heuristic process, this paper will focus on the reso­lution of the potential cognitive dissonance and the translator's justification of sense-oriented strategies in dealing with such key concepts as 'connoisseur', 'grace', 'sublime', and 'je ne sçai quoi' in the translation of the seminal work on the philosophy of aesthetics Analysis of Beauty by the celebrated 18th century English artist William Hogarth.

Rapid development of concepts in modern sociology leads to the emergence of a large number of neological terms. Currently, the academic language of Russian sociology sees an active expansion of foreign language terminology and translated terms reflecting changes in the English-language social picture of the world. However, the lack of consistency in intra-lingual and inter-lingual translation of new terms may complicate the understanding of this terminology by representatives of multilingual academic schools. This study aims to analyse modern English sociological terms and translated borrowings in Russian, to explore their form and conceptual content in two languages, the degree of their conventionality in the sci­entific thesaurus of multilingual sociological schools and the possibility of an adequate trans­fer of terminological meaning from English into Russian. The authors view the sociological term as a cognitive, linguistic and cultural phenomenon, and study its synchronic and dia­chronic variability. The article is an attempt to illuminate the problem from a purely linguis­tic and translation point of view and to point out the need for combining efforts to systematise and harmonise the English and Russian terminologies of sociology.

The article deals with the comparison of olfactory images in Patrick Suskind's novel Perfume and Tayeb Salih's The Season of Migration to the North in the communication context of Arab and European cultures. The initial theoretical point, based on the existing developments in the field of literary studies and cultural studies, is the idea of olfactory images as an essential component of the poetics of a work of art. The role played by olfactory images in revealing the characters of the two heroes Jean-Baptiste Grenouille and Mustafa Said is considered. Both heroes share similarities: on the one hand, they have a gift, and on the other, they are alienated from society: they feel lonely, their position in the world is that of an outcast. However, for Grenouille, this alienation is due to his personal features, while Mustafa Said's psychological problems are connected with the colonial past of his homeland, Sudan. With the help of fragrances, both heroes are trying to restore the destroyed communication links – to evoke love to themselves and assert themselves. The article examines the relationship between olfactory images and the image of the homeland of both heroes. In the novel Perfume, the olfactory image of Paris is represented exclusively in a repulsive way. In the novel The Season of migration to the North, smells, by contrast, return the hero to his childhood, help him achieve harmony with himself and with nature. Olfactory images play an important role in revealing the problem of the protagonist's communication with women. Grenouille artificially creates a fragrance that causes erotic temptation in the people around him. Salih's novel also shows the connection between olfactory images and the motives of seduction, however, Mustafa Said does not create artificial smells, but uses natural smells to arouse the interest of his potential victims. The article concludes that the communicative functions of olfactory images in both novels are similar, but their differences are determined by the specific features of Arab and European culture.

The later work of Vladimir Soloviev, more specifically his Three Conversations on War, Progress, and the End of World History, is considered as one of the origins of Alexander Kozhev's philosophy of history. The general characteristics of Kozhev's anthropological and historiosophic views and their comparison with the concept of history presented in Solovyev's Three Conversations are given. The comparative analysis of the views of both philosophers revealed eight conceptual points, which are presented in both historiosophic doctrine of the late Soloviev and in Alexander Kozhev's philosophy of history as well. The attention is drawn to the fact that both French thinker and Russian philosopher believe that post-historical state is characterized by the absence of wars and termination of existence of separate national states, replaced by supranational structures of government, which will later be abolished in favor of a single World Empire, based on radical egalitarianism. It is noted that both philosophers agree that the world after history is an undifferentiated culturally homogeneous space in which an apparent material prosperity coexists with a latent spiritual crisis characterized by primitivization of the man, disappearance of culture, domination of atheism, devaluation of Christian values. The emphasis is placed on the affinity between Kozhev's image of Napoleon and Solovyov's figure of the antichrist, whereas in both cases the question is about a personality who expansively imposes his individuality on the world, a subject who moves humanity by his actions into a posthistorical space by means of the establishment of the Total Empire. The main difference between Kozhev's historiosophical concept and Solovyov's is also considered. It consists in the fact that Kozhev's 'end of History' takes place in a purely secular dimension, while Solovyov, who stands on a religious position, leaves room for messianism. In summary, based on the many considered conceptual coincidences between Solovyov's and Kozhev's doctrines, we conclude the late Solovyov's work has influenced on Kozhev's historiosophy.

Introduction. The foreign policy of modern Hungary has passed through several stages of development since the fall of socialism. The purpose of this article is to clarify the qualitative characteristics of the points of evolution that have determined the content of Hungarian foreign policy. Today, it is not enough to define the image of Hungarian foreign policy solely in terms of pan-European or North Atlantic solidarity. A more careful and thoughtful study of the dynamics of the foreign policy doctrine of Budapest is required. Methods and Materials. Our main task is to clarify the periodization of the process of Hungary's foreign policy development. The proposed periodization is carried out in a complex manner, based on several reasons and correlating their influence on each of the allocated time periods. The information array was composed of news for April 2010 – August 2022, based on a digest of news from Hungarian news agencies. Analysis. The author identifies five main periods in the development of Hungary's foreign policy: the transitional period; the imperative period; the period of Euro-Atlantic romanticism; the period of seeking regional balance; and the period of Euroscepticism and Easternization. Each of these periods is characterized by an assessment of the conceptual content of international politics, the continuity of the foreign policy course, and the change in emphasis of the current policy. Results. Obviously, the current period of development is nearing its end, and in the medium term, Hungarian foreign policy itself will take the form of several relatively balanced concentric circles in the process of forming a polycentric world. At the same time, the European and American orientations will continue to be of paramount importance for Hungary. The growing inertia of the decline in the intensity of Russian-Hungarian relations seems to be the main characteristic of the interaction between the two countries.

The essay is a comment on Larisa Deriglazova's article "Time Is Out of Joint": EU and Russia in Quest of Themselves in Time." The author argues that modernization does not mean an approximation to a certain normative, but the solution of one's own tasks, which cannot be achieved by means of simple reproduction or extensive growth of what already exists. Whereas the transfer of the European model of modernization to new EU member-states is supported by external control, for Russia the question of political modernization becomes radically more complex, as it implies not only a response to external challenges, but also the establishment of institutions adequate to domestic demands. The European institutions of liberal-democratic consensus, the very model of political participation that has looked triumphant at the end of the 20th century, is now in a deep crisis.

The paper considers the reasons behind the unwavering scholarly interest to the issue of modality, it focuses on key theoretical approaches to the understanding of this concept, and analyses the differences in interpretations of its status, structural foundations and functional origins shared by different schools of linguistic thought. The research proposes a matrix designed approach to describe the variety of scientific views on modality and their dynamics. The left-hand column of the matrix lists the main categories of the content plane which are related to the typical means of expression listed in the upper row. The bottom row contains key theoretical approaches used to describe this or that linguistic universal. The points where these parameters connect in the matrix contain essential typological characteristics of modality. On the one hand, the matrix helps to systematically describe the key characteristics (planes of expression and content, elements of structure, functional importance, etc.) of different approaches to linguistic modality. On the other hand, it integrates different views on the complicated and multifaceted structure of modality as a linguistic category: the matrix objectifies intensified linguistic enquiry into the multidimensional nature of modality, from the formal grammar approach to the functional communicative, from the modality of an utterance to the modality of text. Finally, it highlights the development of a relatively new, pragmatic-communicative view of modality.

The reception of Kant's philosophy in Russia at the beginning of the 19th cen­tury was focused mainly on religious and ethical issues, although it did not ex­clude theoretical and cognitive questions. The search for textbooks that would adequately and at the same time comprehensibly introduce students and the edu­cated public to the basic ideas of the Kantian philosophical system led two professors at Kazan University, Alexander S. Loubkin and Petr S. Kondyrev, to the textbook on philosophy for beginners by Friedrich Wilhelm Daniel Snell, the German Kantian philosopher, pedagogue and populariser. The work they did in preparing the Russian edition of that textbook was not confined to translation, although the translation of the philosophical text itself required scrupulous termi­nological work, since there were as yet no equivalents for many philosophical terms in Russian. Each of the translators provided parts of the textbook with their own explanations and additions, with the parts on moral philosophy and philosophy of religion attracting the most interest and polemical objections. Loubkin's criticism of Snell and thus in most cases of Kant concerns such key concepts and provisions of Kantian practical philosophy as practical reason, the end of moral acts, the distinction between thing and person, the categorical imperative, the feeling of respect for the moral law and others. The real stum­bling block for Loubkin was Kant's solution to the problem of the relation be­tween religion and morality and his choice of a foundation for morality. Loubkin suggests that the moral is grounded in religion and proposes as the criterion of morality the correspondence of an act to the Divine Will.

Introduction. The focus of the article is on identifying spatial patterns of the conformist voting results in the federal elections of Russia in the 2000s. The relevance is due to the fact that against the background of growing social tension in the country there is a territorial and meaningful localization of the protest. Therefore, the analysis of the election results acts as a mechanism for assessing socio-political and protest sentiments in the regions. Methods and materials. The methodological basis of the study was the sociological and rationalinstrumental approach, according to which voters vote based on their social affiliation and assessments of economic well-being. Analysis. The main research methods were statistical analysis methods. Through the use of Pearson's correlation analysis method, the influence of factors on voting was revealed. Calculations of variation coefficients made it possible to analyze the dynamics of electoral behavior for stability in the regions. Based on calculations of average values of loyalty ratios, regions were grouped according to the specifics of electoral behavior. Results. It was revealed that there is a significant negative correlation between the share of the Russian population, the level of urbanization and the results of conformist voting. In the recent federal elections, the influence of these factors is weakening, which is associated with the process of nationalization of the party system of Russia. The grouping of regions according to the specifics of the voting demonstrated the presence of moderate electoral nonconformism in almost all subjects of Siberia and the Far East, which creates the prerequisites for fixing the "eastern belt" of protest sentiments. A similar specificity was revealed in two capitals, a number of regions with a low quality of life index in the central and northwestern part of Russia, the exclave Kaliningrad region, the economically depressed Kurgan region, as well as in the Volgograd and Kirov regions. The highest level of electoral conformism is recorded mainly in regions with a high degree of authoritarianism regimes. An analysis of the voting dynamics showed that in the regions in which large-scale protests took place in recent years, during the period before them, stable nonconformist sentiments in the elections formed.

The article contains an analysis of the impact of the crisis situation on the electoral behavior during the national elections in Ukraine. For this purpose, the study highlights the pre-crisis, crisis and postcrisis periods. The criteria for a comparative analysis of the electoral behaviour during these periods are the peculiarities of territorial differentiation of voting and the degree of support for election participants, as well as the specifics of the turnout in the regions of Ukraine. It has been revealed that with the transition from one period to another there has been a transformation of the electoral behaviour of voters. The pre-crisis period was characterized by a significant electoral split in Ukraine between pro-Russian and pro-Western forces. The sharp decline in voter turnout in the South-East of the country during the crisis period led to a significant fall in the influence of the pro-Russian forces. In the western regions of Ukraine, on the contrary, during this period there was an increase in voter activity, which determined the emergence of new relevant political forces of a pro-Western nature. In the post-crisis period, turnout rates generally returned to pre-crisis levels. However, this did not lead to a full restoration of the electoral division of the country due to the geographically homogeneous support of V.A. Zelensky and his party «Servant of the People». A forecast is made, including three scenarios of transformation of the political system of Ukraine taking into account possible changes in the electoral behavior of voters.